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For the sun we see rises each day for us at [his] command, but it will never reign, neither will its splendor last, but all who worship it will come wretchedly to punishment. We, on the other hand, shall not die, who believe in and worship the true sun, Christ, who will never die, no more shall he die who has done Christ's will, but will abide for ever just as Christ abides for ever, who reigns with God the Father Almighty and with the Holy Spirit before the beginning of time and now and for ever and ever. Amen. - Patrick son of Calpurnius, somewhere in Ireland, about 450

Let us be united, let us love one another! For unity and love reveal to the nations the paths of the Lord. We swear that we shall set our native soil free: united in God's name, who can defeat us? - Goffredo Mameli, Genoa, 1847
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One doesn't, in general, think of popular music as a vehicle for patriotism. But apart from the USA, where nobody is ashamed of waving the flag, there have been beautiful patriotic songs from Australia -

- and, more surprisingly, from Italy:


I reckon that part of the reason why this is so surprising is the central position of Britain in modern and especially pop culture. British singers have influenced everyone and are visible from everywhere - even the wretched Amy Winehouse's slow suicide has been front-page news across the world, whereas it would at best have got a paragraph on page 13 had she been Dutch or Taiwanese. Now, the position of any British singer you care to mention towards Britain or England is inevitably acidic and oppositional; the closest one gets to patriotism is the very ambiguous claim made for London - and London alone - in the Clash's London Calling. But people like Springsteen in the States and De Gregori among us are not only leading singers, but leading lights of the left. I think there is something specific and local that makes it impossible for an English artist to claim the identity and values of his country as a number of Americans and Italians do.

Having said that, I want to know whether any other countries have seen the same kind of thing: LEADING local singers, mind you, not little-known hacks, writing SUCCESSFUL songs in praise of their country and/or their people? I doubt Germany is up to it yet, but France? Spain? other European countries? India? China? anywhere?
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If you want to do something for St.Patrick, you might, if you have the time, read my four chapters about the Saint - http://www.facesofarthur.org.uk/fabio/book4.htm . I like to think they are rather good.

Tomorrow is also going to be the first Italian Unity Day. Italy already has a number of patriotic holidays or at least fixed days of commemoration: April 25, Liberation Day - for the defeat of the Nazis in 1945; June 2, Republic Day - for the proclamation of the Italian Republic, 1946, and traditionally the day of army parades; September 20, when in 1870 the Italians took Rome and completed the country's unification; and Victory Day, November 4, for the end of World War One on the Italian front. However, none of these were exactly right to celebrate Italian unity as such - a celebration that has become more and more important in the face of loud, though ignorant, polemics against the very idea of Italian national identity. April 25 and June 2 were bound with political developments in an already united Italy; November 4 was too connected with the horrible realities and unfortunate results of the Great War; and the taking of Rome was not only in the nature of a not very impressive footnote to the terrible struggles that had brought about the main steps of independence. March 17, on the other hand, is extraordinarily well chosen. It was, first, the day on which, in 1805, Napoleon had been the first man in modern history to claim the title of King of Italy and the ancient Iron Crown; second, the day in 1848 in which the first shots of the First War of Independence were fired, in Venice; and, third (and the reason for the choice) the day on which the first Italian Parliament of modern times was convened in Turin, and invested Victor Emmanuel II, king of Sardinia, as King of Italy. (The Iron Crown of Italy was returned by Austria after the war of 1866. It is now in the possession of the Cathedral of Monza, who hold it in trust for the nation since 1883.)

I intend to celebrate this day by starting on my long-delayed history of Italian unity. It will be, in true Italian fashion, a history against everybody: against the national-masochists who pretend that Italian unity was irrelevant if not negative, against the twits from both north and south who each claim to have been robbed and humiliated by their brothers, against the Catholic integralists (there is no such thing as a "Catholic fundamentalist", but these come close) who furiously inveigh against the Freemasons and the liberals whom they claim to have made Italy against the people with the purpose to destroy Holy Mother Church, and against the brain-dead anticlericals who manage to believe that everything that is wrong with Italy is the Vatican's fault; against the Fascists who, not having managed to master Italy, now despise her, and against the Communists, who, having come pretty damn close, now discover a patriotism that they had damned in the days of their struggle. But it will be in favour of all those real men (and a few women) who fought, as often against each other as against foreign occupiers and would-be occupiers, against terrible abysses of poverty and ignorance, against positively wicked or merely incompetent governments, built, against all odds, a great power, out of the decayed remains of what has been, and still can claim to be, the most beautiful country in the world.

As for the rightly beloved Patrick the Illuminator, his Italian colleagues are St.Francis of Assisi (October 4) and Catherine of Siena (April 29). In typically topsy-turvy fashion, Italy is protected by the humblest of all friars and the bossiest (I mean this in the nicest way possible) of all nuns.
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This is something that occurred to me a few years ago, when Russia shamefully assaulted Georgia. Georgia is a small, distant country, with its own alphabet and its own church, and a language that nobody else in the world can understand. And yet, from everything I could see of it on the screen, I knew that I felt at home there. And I realized that there are certain things - the villages in green valleys, clustered around their own church with a spire to tower over them - that say "Europe", and that say "home", to me, as much as if they bore the brand. Europe is an enormous thing made of little, stubborn things, small countries and scattered towns and a dense network of villages and churches and town halls and farmhouses; but these things are the same, from Lisbon to the Caucasus and from Malta to Norway. They speak the same language, and welcome a traveller in the same way. I feel that any right-thinking European should love little lands and local loyalties, villages draped across valleys and cities full of churches and steeples, just because they all are, in a fundamental way, his own. And so it is, and may it for ever be, with the green mountains and white chapels of Wales; not just for its own sake, but because it enlarges, ennobles and enriches that whole culture that is our real home on this earth.

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When an American starts speaking fondly of the beauty of his country, of its past heroes and principles, and of all the good things about it, I listen, approve and enjoy. When he starts talking about "God's Country" or "the greatest country in the world", I ask him since when he has taken an Italian passport.

"Nobody loves his country because it is great, but because it is his."
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...they say that you know that you are a Roman when you find yourself saying: "Most of the time, this town drives me crazy. But every now and then it just stops my heart how beautiful she is."



Roma capoccia

by Antonello Venditti


Quanto sei bella Roma quann'e' sera
How beautiful you are, Rome, in the evening
quanno la luna se specchia
dentro ar fontanone
When the moon comes out to see itself in the Great Fountain
e le coppiette se ne vanno via,
And pairs of lovers slowly stroll away
quanto sei bella Roma quanno piove.
How beautiful you are, Rome, when it rains.

Quanto sei grande Roma quann'e' er tramonto
How mighty you are, Rome, when the sun sets
quanno l'arancio rosseggia
ancora sui sette colli
When red and orange linger over the Seven Hills
e le finestre so' tanti occhi,
And all the windows are like so many eyes
che te sembrano dì': quanto sei bella.
That seem to say to you: How beautiful you are!

Oggi me sembra che
Today I feel as though
er tempo se sia fermato qui,
Time had stopped right here!
vedo la maestà der Colosseo
I see the majesty of the Coliseum,
vedo la santità der Cupolone,
I see the sanctity of the Great Dome,
e so' piu' vivo e so' più bbono
And I am more alive, and I am a better man for it.
no, nun te lasso mai
No, I shall never leave you,
Roma capoccia der monno 'nfame,
Rome the head - of this damn world!

'na carrozzella va co' du' stranieri
Two foreigners go by in a horse-drawn carriage.
Un robivecchi te chiede un po'de stracci
A rubbish dealer asking for some used rags -
li passeracci so'usignoli;
Even them damn sparrows, they are nightingales.
io ce so' nato, Roma,
I was born here, Rome,
io t'ho scoperta stamattina.
And I discovered you - only this morning!
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Today is Liberation Day in my country. It celebrates the war of partisan resistance fought against Germany and its Fascism puppet government in Italy from September 8, 1943, to May 2 (or thereabouts) 1945. The day April 25 was chosen because on that day the Nazis - negotiating via the Church - surrendered the city of Milan to the Partisans (and not to the allies, who only made it there a day or two later); because, according to the conventional viewpoint, he who holds Milan, holds Italy, and because Milan had been the central strategic target of the great battle that had begun two weeks earlier. Once it had fallen, there was nothing left for the invaders but to try and fight their way to the Alpine passes and home.

It may seem little to Americans or Britons, and very little in the enormous pageantry of blood in which even Britain and America count as co-protagonists at best, but this period of our history is of immense importance to us. It means, for a start, that we do not have to regard ourselves as having collaborated with evil at all times. It is not, after all, an ex post facto eulogizer, but a Fascist bureaucrat drawing up an intelligence report, who estimates that in 1944, no more than 5% of the population favoured the Fascist government. It means that freedom was not something given us as a contemptous favour by a victorious enemy, but something that our fathers took for themselves, with guns in their hands, at the risk of death and torture - whatever the Americans and the British thought of us (and their deliberate attempt to wreck the Italian economy, their refusal to treat Italy as an ally, the incredible order in September 1944 that Italian partisans should lay down their weapons and go home, and the ghastly final peace settlement, showed very well what they thought). And for all the flaws of the partisan movement, the internecine violence, the Communist presence, nevertheless, the fact that 250,000 living men in arms were present to take the surrender of Nazi invaders and Fascist traitors, and that 50,000 dead testified with their blood the commitment of the Partisan forces and the people behind them to victory against Nazism, means that we earned that freedom. With all its faults, the free Italian state, whose values are those of the Founding Fathers of sixty years ago, imprinted in the opening articles of the Constitution, stands still. We lost freedom once; we took it again with our blood, and, God willing, we shall not easily lose it again.
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On May 29, 1848, near two villages called Curtatone and Montanara, a few miles from the fortified city of Mantua, an astonishing struggle took place. Field-Marshal of the Empire of Austria Count Johann Joseph Radetzky took his Austrian Army Corps, nearly 35,000 strong on a manoeuvre to surround and destroy the Tuscan-Neapolitan lines facing Mantua, held by little more than 4.800 men - an odd mix of soldiers from several small armies and poorly-armed and unruly volunteers - that stood between them and the main enemy body. Radetzky had quietly marched his troops out of the safe and distant stronghold of Verona two days earlier to outflank King Charles Albert's regular soldiers, his main enemy, from the south; the small Italian outpost was in his way - placed there exactly to hold out against such a possibility - and it had to be smashed.

The battle is particularly remembered for the mad gallantry, driven equally by patriotism and by youthful recklessness of the volunteer students of the Battaglione Universitario, poured ouf the universities of Tuscany and Emilia, with their professors promoted as officers. But we should not forget the old men. The battle was directed by two indomitable veterans. Field-Marshal Radetzky was indeed the man for whom the famous march was written, and he deserved it. Active, energetic and far-sighted, this 78-year-old had saved his Army Corps from certain destruction, marched it to safety, and, not satisfied with having survived, was trying a brilliant surprise manoeuvre against the lumbering Charles Albert. On the other, General Count Cesare De Laugier de Bellecour, from Portoferraio, Isle of Elba, who had fought with Napoleon in Russia and Spain and had lived a life worthy of an adventure novel. But that was the only similarity: Radetzky was at the head of a practiced war machine which he had had two months to restore to perfect efficiency; Laugier had a ramshackle, untrained force whose command he had only just taken (three days before the battle). And while sources disagree about the relative numbers of Austrians and Italians, they agree on one terrible fact: the Austrians had 130 cannons, the Italians 6 and two howitzers.

However it seems clear that Laugier had arranged his forces well. Radetzky's first attempt at surrounding them failed completely: the troops seem to have been arranged in such a way as to make surrounding them impossible. The Austrians realized that it was a matter of breaking them down man to man.

Military theory says that to break a well-entrenched enemy with a frontal charge requires a superiority of five to one. The Austrians had that and more; they were professional soldiers, famous for dash and marksmanship; and they had the cannons. They came three, four, five, six times, each charge carried out by new fresh troops. The stories that came out of that day have more to do with Homeric legend than with the way we imagine normal life; but they happened. Early in the fight, one of the two Italian artillery posts was hit by an Austrian rocket that blew up some ammunition. Only one man, Gunner Elbano Gasperi, remained standing; and this half-naked, wounded regular took on himself to operate the whole battery, servicing his three cannon alone, running from one to the other like a maniac, charging, aiming, firing. Even the volunteers' indiscipline served the day: when, after two hours of fighting, General de Laugier ordered them into the line, he found that he had almost nobody to order - they had all already run to the sound of the guns, and it was their nearly insane recklessness that had done much to blunt Austrian assault after assault. Under the fearful, precise fire of the 130 Austrian artillery pieces, the outnumbered Italians fought for seven hours in the savage May sun, dying like flies, but holding the line. At four in the afternoon, realizing that there were no reinforcements coming, General de Laugier ordered his men to withdraw - and, astonishingly, it was not a rout, but a textbook disengagement under the covering fire of a sharpshooter regiment. The next day, Charles Albert, doing something right for once, fell upon the Austrians and hammered them back. The incredible struggle of the boys of Curtatone and Montanara had been worth something - for a while. (One of the young men who survived the battle was Carlo Lorenzini, who later, as "Carlo Collodi", was to create the immortal Pinocchio.)

That war ended badly, thanks in great part to the talent and courage of old Field-Marshal Radetzky and the underhanded stupidity of Charles Albert - a king with the soul of a party political hack. But there was to be another war, and another, till Italy was free. Radetzky had seen this coming, and being put in charge of Austria's Italian colonies after his victory, had devised a political strategy that might have worked, if someone had thought of it thirty years earlier: divide the patriot-minded upper and middle classes from the working people, and present the Austrian government as the paternal protector of the poor. As a part of his strategy of mixed conciliation and repression, a number of revolutionaries had been allowed to leave the country or even to remain quietly at home; and in the surrounding Italian states, dependent on Austria, similar strategies had led to odd results such as General de Laugier becoming the Minister for War of the Grand-Duke of Tuscany, whose soldiers he had led against the Austrians.

So it happened that one day de Laugier and Radetzky met at a State dinner. Radetzky, according to eyewitnesses, said something like: "Here you are at last! It is since that May 29 that I was eager to make your acquaintance. Bravo! Indeed, bravi! You were little more than a bunch of kids, and you managed to hold us back for seven hours. You practically had us all thinking that we were facing Charles Albert's best professional units!" That day it was proved that "it's not the size of the dog in the fight, it's the size of the fight in the dog": that pathetically ramshackle, ill-armed, ill-trained unit held back a well-trained, overwhelmingly superior professional army till they had lost a whole precious day, and then executed a textbook retreat and left the Austrians to be defeated on the following day by the dilatory and incompetent Charles Albert, who, without them, would have certainly been defeated then instead of a year later.

What does this have to do with opera? Simply this: that opera was the music that all those people, Italians and Austrians, heroes and villains, the gentleman Radetzky and his colleague the Butcher Eylau, the resolute De Laugier and the nerveless Charles Albert, loved and sang and paid to listen and in some cases composed. Verdi was the leading single personality among the patriot party in Italy, and Wagner actually took part in the fighting in Germany at the same year. This was the music of a manly age that went to war when they saw need and killed and died without softness, but who were also capable of mutual chivalry and understanding such as in the memorable scene between Radetzky and de Laugier. And to hear it called "poofy music" is to me not only an instance of utter barbarity of taste, but of atrocious ignorance of our culture history.
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Every state is ultimately an attempt to realize an idea of justice. For human beings do not come together without rules or for no reason: on the contrary, it is a common idea of justice and right that brings them together.

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