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I already commented on the crazy episode of the e-mails; an episode that, to the disinterested observer or to the candid friend, conveys nothing but desperation and lack of principle. (Or desperation so intense as to destroy principle, and for that matter commonsense.) Now we have had another damp squib, at the end of what was, like the tapes, a highly publicized attempt to damage her. A journalist - and not just any journalist, but the prestigious author of The Selling of the President, a book that has become a minor classic of American political studies - deliberately and publicly set out to dig the dirt on her. He actually rented the house next door to her - as good as a notification that he intended to take her down. And what do we get? We get a book so bad that even the New York Times - a protagonist of the e-mails episode, and hardly a friend of Palin - dismisses it with one of the most murderous reviews I have ever read. (And I have read a few; in fact, I've written most of them.) So someone claims to have had an affair with her before she was married? Someone else claims to have experimented with drugs? And unnamed sources claim that the break-up of Todd's business partnership was due to her having an affair with the partner? Good Lord, if that is the best you can do, for the sake of your own career give it up and go home. You have just shown that the most aggressive investigation by one of the best-known investigative reporters in the New World can turn up nothing but anonymous sexual spite and misreported thirty-year-old tosh. Anyone who investigated my life could come up with fifty thousand times worse stuff. If this woman has feet of clay, they haven't found them yet; and all the while, any reasonable spectator would conclude, one, that there is nothing serious to charge Sarah Palin with (an honest politician? Can you believe it?), and, two, that the effort to prove otherwise has clear and worrying pathological features. McGinnis has just made himself and all of Palin's enemies look sour, petty, ineffective and obsessed.

Indeed, at this point, what I said about the New York Times being no friend of Palin's just might be starting to be out of date. Janet Maslin's carpet-bombing review of McGinnis' book is at least the third NYT item that treats her, if not with support, then at least with enough respect to trash the typical left "dumb bimbo" narrative. First one reporter described, with what can only be called rueful admiration,
her ability to trash the media and still drag them after her
like barbarians in chains after some Roman general; and then a columnist took a look at her Indianola speech and found that it was full of sagacious and attractive political ideas, ideas that could, in his view, attract many people beyond the Republican and Tea Party boundaries. And now its prestigious and important book section trashes a book that tried to trash her. This may not be a shift in allegiances, but it certainly sounds like the beginnings of a change of view.

Commentators and bloggers always risk sounding self-important; the very act of speaking your mind implies that your mind is something worth being heard. So I hope I don't sound self-obsessed if I say that her Indianola speech struck me as agreeing with the views I set out years ago in my "A plague on both your houses" series. That may not be quite clear because Palin, who is no historian or sociologist, thinks not in terms of classes but of individuals; but take that into consideration and you will see that what she calls "crony capitalism" and "professional politicians" is no different from what I describe as "the new aristocracy" and "the director class". These are concerns which have been spreading across America, and not only across America, in recent years, and Palin articulates them both more boldly and more clearly than any politician so far - if, indeed, anyone has. To her credit, she also seems to have wholly ignored Angelo Codevilla's clever but tendentious and partisan account of the same social development, in spite of the fact that it has been widely influential among her Tea Party supporters and that it is intended to turn the perception of the rise of a New Aristocracy into a Republican party political fighting tool. No, the way Palin formulates the issue is entirely her own; she has clearly thought about it, and is not parrotting anyone the way Codevilla is often heard parrotted in conservative circles; and again to her credit, she is as willing to see the evil among her own party as among the Democrats.

Having said that, I remain uneasy about her. First and foremost, anyone who accepted a post with Rupert Murdoch - let alone a graduate in journalism! - ought to know that she was making a pact with the Devil. If her enemies had any brains, that is what they would throw at her, not anonymous rumours of affairs. If there is one instance of crony capitalism, corrupt interest-selling, the stifling of competition, the oppression of the small guy, and every possible corporate evil, Murdoch is it. Sarah Palin has been in politics all her adult life. I cannot believe that she was unaware of what the Murdoch empire is or of how it does things - intimidation, blackmail, "monstering", complicity. Second, there is the fact that, far from being the Christian fanatic depicted by some particularly ignorant bloggers, I see Palin's commitment to life and social conservatism as iffy at best. The Indianola speech did not contain one allusion to such things, and among her supporters there are a lot of obvious libertarians and "conservative gays". Since I have no interest whatever in libertarianism, right-wing anarchism, "fiscal conservatism" and allied superstitions, this means that I see no particular reason to support her. As I argued that the Tea Party is not only a Murdoch creation, but meant to suck the life out of the growing anti-abortion movement and redirect it into Murdoch-approved anti-tax channels, I really worry about the Tea Party placing a Murdoch employee in the Republican presidential candidacy. And the Murdoch connection is only one of a number of really strange ties. What on Earth was she doing, earlier on in the year, meeting with Donald Trump when Trump's farcical candidacy was still on? EDITED IN: What on Earth was she doing supporting Carly Fiorina - not only an incompetent CEO who ran HP into the ground and was deservedly forced from her post, not only a hard-line liberal who never saw an abortion she didn't like, but the person who, as (equally incomprehensibly) part of the McCain campaign, was the first and the nastiest in attacking Palin herself? Likewise, why support Ron Paul's loyally extreme son Rand? And a friend is a friend, but is it really sensible to cultivate Greta van Susteren, a woman involved with Scientology? If Palin's enemies had any sense, they would be asking questions like these.

But that she will run, I have no doubt. She is playing this like the England soccer team in the 1930s. At the time, the English were still the masters of football, to the extent that they did not bother to take part in the newly-created World Cup. Instead, they would wait for the end, then invite the winner to play and beat them. That is what Mrs.Palin is intending to do to whoever comes out on top in the current round of debates and candidacies.
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This unpleasant abortionist creep, who can't hold back from connecting opposition to abortion with Fascism, nonetheless agrees with me that it is specifically opposition to abortion that has fuelled the rise of the conservative movement. (History disproves her pathetic claim in that area: Fascism, and Nazism even more, were into free love, sexual licence, the abortion of inferior children, and euthanasia - all the dear, sweet, progressive programmes that re-surfaced in American universities - where Hitler had been widely popular in the thirties, after being briefly bombed into silence by American bombers in the forties.)

Marcotte misses the point that the Tea Party is a deliberate attempt to do what "fiscal conservatives" have been itching to do for years, which is get the anti-abortion majority to forget about such "divisive" causes as abortion and concentrate instead on such "uniting" matters as tax cuts for the rich. There are two forces in the general area of the GOP whose long-term aim is to defang the anti-abortion movement and co-opt its membership for their own political purposes: old-style party hucksters such as Karl Rove, who despise Christians and anti-abortionists pretty much as much as Democrats do, and the Murdoch empire, which is built on pornography and based on a debased view of human nature that could not survive a moralized society. The Rove Republicans have been trying for decades to ride the anti-abortion tiger without conceding anything substantial to it. The Murdoch group is smarter. Part of Rupert Murdoch's animal cunning, base but clever in its own way, is not to try and create movements himself. The British newspaper owners, his predecessors, tried that in the 1930 election and were destroyed, shamed and ridiculed by the professional politician Stanley Baldwin. Murdoch and his people keep an eye on popular movements and, when the time is right, co-opt them. Then they use their formidable financial and organizational power to direct, penetrate and corrupt them so that, whatever happens, the real interests of the Murdoch group are never harmed and always promoted.

These interests amount to two things: weakening corporate taxation and taxation on rich individuals - the whole Murdoch group is one enormous, matchlessly brilliant tax evasion operation designed in order to evade as much British, American and Australian taxation as possible - and insuring that their pornographic populism is never put under serious scrutiny. In doing so, they are quite willing to make some quite remarkable alliances. In Britain, for instance, Rebekah Wade, when editor of the original Murdoch porn sheet, The News of the World, took up with great enthusiams the cause of an anti-paedophile campaigner. This from the press group that has done more than everyone else put together to sexualize every corner of British life, which has made parents so used to smut on every page that they left it around for their children to read (literally - I saw that with my own two eyes, in umpteen British homes, in the eighties and nineties), and from which pre-teen girls learned to idolize softcore models such as Samantha Fox. But it makes sense in two important ways: first, Sara Payne, the movement's leader, is quite frankly an ignorant woman whom Rebekah Wade found easy to manipulate (Payne was shocked, poor creature, to find that she too had been on the phone-tap list of her dear friend Rebekah); and second and more important, it gives any possible sense of revulsion at the sexualization of society a focus and a limit. Child rapists, of course, are the lowest of the low; to focus and concentrate on them the disgust that in other ages was felt for pimps and whores of every sort offers a cheap salve to the violated conscience of natural man - and, even more, woman - in sexual matters. This, of course, is nothing but good news to the biggest pimp the world has ever seen, the inventor of the Page Three Girls, the exploiter of "reality" shows. It also, as a side effect, offers journalists in general a steady source of monster stories. In a sense, it is the ideal Murdoch compromise: the Murdoch media get to carry on untroubled with their appeal to the crotch, at the same time as they get to posture as moralizing campaigners. Really, if homicidal child rapists did not exist, Murdoch would have had to invent them.

The alliance with the Tea Party is a broader matter, but there are some points in common. The heart of it is to deviate, twist and corrupt an existing popular movement so that it works to the advantage of the Murdoch media. The popular groundswell against paedophilia had been going on for a couple of decades when Rebekah Wade took it up, as a natural and humanly inevitable reaction to the stated desire of Sexual Revolution theorists and publicists to sexualize children. (In Denmark, the age of consent was abolished in 1968 and only restored - as a result of some such groundswells of public opinion - in 1978; for ten years, child sex and child pornography were legal in one of the most prosperous and respected countries in the world.) Likewise, the movement against abortion, a despised fringe factor in the seventies, has been slowly picking up strength decade after decade until at present a majority of Americans declare themselves pro-life at every poll. Marcotte, the doctrinaire abortionist, calls it a "moral panic", but anyone without her blinders ought to realize that moral panics don't last three decades and don't pick up strength over that period. Certainly it could no longer be treated, either by the GOP or by Murdoch, as a noisy minority.

The Tea Party certainly started as a grassroots movement; but the Murdoch media pimped it from the beginning, and it is really remarkable to what an extent not only basic views, but talking points and intellectual fads they originated (such as the demonization of the little-know eighty-year-old academic Frances Fox Piven) spread like oil slicks across the whole movement right; and how even such an utterly compromised Murdochista apparatchick as Bill O'Reilly, whose sexual shenanigans should have put him beyond the pale long ago, remains a guiding light of sorts. Forty years ago, Murdoch's animal cunning identified an enormous gap in the market - the conservative/populist area; and the feeling that Fox-TV pundits are the ones who "speak our language" has since then increasingly blinded conservatives to the debasing, manipulative and mafia-like characteristics of Murdoch and his empire. Mere gratitude that someone noticed them has co-opted them into the Murdoch camp, with the inevitable corrupting results. Remember, this is a guy who managed to find enough "friends" in the Vatican to get himself awarded a Papal medal, at the same time as he published some of the most Jack T.Chick-like Church-bashing in the mainstream media.

And the Tea Party has been amazingly effective in drawing attention away from the scandal of abortion and to the obsession with tax. Some of its leaders have openly said that conservatives ought to stop pressing on "divisive" issues such as abortion. Never mind whether this is a representative view or not; the mere fact that it has been said and publicized means that abortion is no longer the central issue - that it is in play, one of many things on which conservatives may agree or disagree. And this is only the beginning. In actual fact, however "divisive" anti-abortion views may be, no opponent of abortion has ever done has been so recklessly divisive and socially and politically irresponsible as the Tea Party's successful attempt to blackmail the Senate and the Administration into not raising taxes at a time when that is desperately necessary and any sane "conservative", including Margaret Thatcher, would have. I have a suspicion that one reason why we haven't heard a lot from Sarah Palin in the last few weeks is that she is quite happy to let Michelle Bachmann and the other idiots run after this hare and compromise themselves in the long term. Any serious presidential candidate cannot indulge in this of idiotic rhetoric, on pains of being found out one day after taking the oath of office. You can bet your life that the next Republican President will raise tax (remember Ronald Reagan and "read my lips"?) with the subdued approval (subdued because nobody will want to draw attention to their duplicity) of the Republican Party and of selected Tea Party leaders; and those tea-partiers who stick to the anti-tax hysteria out of misguided principle will suddenly find themselves isolated and reduced to fringe specimens. Thus do party politics, especially in the age of Rupert Murdoch, work against integrity, whether right or wrong.

The true believers have been told that the purpose of the borrowing limit blackmail was to hurt the hated Obama presidency. As a matter of fact, it has hurt the Tea Party, by isolating it from a considerable area of Republican moderates and from any Democrat. But the hysteria about tax is necessary for long-term reasons that have nothing to do with the economy and everything to do with the corrupting use of party politics. As while abortion is something that generates its own disgust and its own opposition, to try and move at least a large mass of conservatives away from thinking against abortion, the propagandists had to offer them something equally emotionally involving and more short-term. The budget battle, which was a disaster for the USA, served to blood the Tea Party in an actual political battle, which will from now on dominate their imagination. And as the anti-tax hysteria rages, abortion moves further and further from the centre. And if the stock markets of the world crash and America loses power to China, what does Murdoch care? His corporations, insulated from stock marked concerns by a very peculiar property structures, are not apt to suffer; and he has spent decades flattering and supporting the coming Chinese superpower in the hope of being allowed a place at the table. As I keep saying, Murdoch is cunning. It's his only quality. And Mademoiselle Marcotte ought to thank him on her knees: he has managed to set the anti-abortion cause back at least twenty years. Had there been a Murdoch around in nineteenth-century America, there would still be slaves today.
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http://nymag.com/print/?/news/frank-rich/murdoch-scandal-2011-8/
(And they wonder British politics is corrupt and incompetent. You can't go to sleep with dogs without waking up with fleas, especially if you do so for thirty solid years.)
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Before anyone has so much as began to see the end-game of the Murdoch scandals - which, let us remember, arise entirely from the criminal behaviour of Murdoch and his employees, behaviour which was known to be criminal and has been so for decades - a number of conservatives are yelping about left-wing conspiracies and assaults upon freedom of the press. Well, apart that the most monstrous assault upon the freedom of the press ever mounted was Rupert Murdoch's, don't you think, my dear people, that you should wait for any actual evidence of any such plot to arise, before you dedicate pages upon pages of yelping conspiracy theories to it? All you are showing right now is that you fear that without the mafia protection of this criminal, your views might not get a hearing. Well, perhaps I am in a privileged position: as a social conservative, whose views would never have got a hearing in Page Three land, I definitely have nothing to lose by the collapse of this champion of wickedness. But I would say that this instinctive display of fear suggests a lack of confidence in one's own beliefs and a psychological dependence on criminality and subversion that certainly does not speak well for anyone who holds it. If your views are correct, they shall be proven so. Meanwhile, be grateful that your side, whatever it is, has been cleared from a destructive and corrupting influence.

Edited InDaniel Hannan talking sense. The mind reels. But perhaps his fellow Thatcherits will pay attention. http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/danielhannan/100096817/the-phone-hacking-scandal-is-not-a-leftist-conspiracy-for-heavens-sake/
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I have lived long enough - nearly to be fifty; more than many people do. And I have lived to see many great evils faced, thwarted, defeated. What I have learned from my life is not that evil is unconquerable and victorious; quite the contrary. I have seen the most wicked and corrupt state in the twentieth century, the Soviet Union, borne down by its own wickedness. I have seen the Sicilian Mafia, apparently invincible when I was young, battered and reeling under blow after blow. I have seen freedom spread across eastern Europe, Latin America, east Asia, mostly in countries that had never known it for long, and endure and take root. I have seen three indomitable countries - Eritrea, East Timor, and now South Sudan - fight their way to independence against all the odds, against overwhelming enemies and universal indifference. Until they won, there had been nobody who did anything to help them; they took all their weapons from their enemies. And if many things went wrong, from the sorry rise of left-wing populism across Latin America to the terrible tyranny that gripped Eritrea as soon as the foreign enemy had been driven out, I am still certain that those evils will not last for ever. Other evils will arise, some which we know, some which we can't even foresee. But I believe that individual evils will always, in the long run, lose.

Which is why I am not very surprised, though I am ecstatic, at the Murdoch scandal. There is one thing that must be understood: to me, finding out about the British popular press was one of the shocks of my adolescence. Coming from Italy, where the Press was generally respected and self-respecting, where the main business of the papers was to investigate organized criminality, terrorism, and public and private corruption, and where every now and then a journalist died because some villain had objected to being found out, the whole world of red-top taploids, sex obsession, huge titles and Page Three Girls was both alien and repulsive. Finding out that this, and not the famous and prestigious broadsheet titles whose names rang across the continent, was the standard British press and the standard reading of Britons, was a shock such as I cannot render to those who grew up with it and find such things natural.

Now Murdoch had invented nothing; before he bought the News of the World, both the graphic horrors of his mastheads and the brutality of its editorial contents had been patented by the Daily Mirror, and the salaciousness and hysteria were the daily fodder of cheaper papers across the board. Murdoch, however, refined it all like a criminal chemist refines coca into crack cocaine, leaving out anything that was wholesome and decent and pushing to extremes everything that was tasteless and addictive. One thing that struck me, for instance, was that while the DAily Express had the great Giles, and the Daily Mail had Mac, and while the Mirror had a wonderful comics page featuring Andy Capp, The Perishers and so on, the cartoons and comics in the Sun were so bad - bad in a technical sense, poorly drawn, poorly conceived, unfunny, forgettable - as to be incredible in what was supposed to be the most profitable newspaper in the country. The same goes for its columnists: the Daily Mirror had Beachcomber and Keith Waterhouse, but no Sun or NotW columnist has ever been worth re-reading, let alone reprinting. It was not only vulgar; it was coolly, deliberately stupid, always in search of the worst, not just in content, but in style.

I came to Britain just in time to watch Murdoch at the height of his power and success; and coming where I came from, it was, to me, a terrible shock. In Italy, at the time, press and pornography were two wholly separete things; in spite of a few timid efforts on state TV, broadcasting was incredibly decorous by today's standards - there was no Berlusconi yet - and in general sleaze was the one thing that the Italian media had not yet experienced. Something like The Sun was wholly impossible to imagine to me, from my background; I could not believe that the English press amounted to this. Of course, the English themselves had grown up with the slow evolution - or devolution - of their press, and were used to it to the point of not noticing it. They had become used to the monstrous in their daily lives. I have never yet managed to get one Briton to fully understand my revulsion at their media; not even when Berlusconi developed his own Italian counterpart formula, for TV rather than for newspapers.

But as I regarded the Murdoch and Maxwell press as a complete evil, I was sure, by my own beliefs, that they could not endure. Maxwell is long gone, and I have long wondered whether Rupert Murdoch would die like him - he is old enough - before the fruit of his crimes came back to destroy his creations. That sooner or later that fruit would ripen I had little doubt: Murdoch is and has always been the kind who makes scandals, like Richard Nixon or his old enemy Maxwell. His methods demand, not collaborators, but accomplices, and accomplices have to be paid off and protected. There never was any hope that what he had built would outlive the criminal methods used to build it.

Now his methods have caught up with him. The closure of the NotW is Rupert Murdoch's last desperate throw to avoid being personally involved in the scandal. In fact, nobody has any doubt that the moving power behind the illegality and corruption - as Peter Oborne called it, a criminal enterprise - was Murdoch himself. And if his former allies in Britain hope that the scandal can be controlled and kept away from the core of the company, they are deluding themselves. This is no longer restricted to Britain: Murdoch has mighty enemies abroad, especially in Italy and in America, and Berlusconi and the US networks are not going to miss the opportunity to trash Fox and Sky.

And finally, I have said that the Republicans would regret allowing Fox to effectively take the American conservative movement over (remember my article on the Glenn Beck rally?) and the time is coming even faster than I had foreseen. Nobody involved with Murdoch is going to come out of this with his hands clean. Or hers - alas for Sarah Palin and everyone who supported her.
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One of the early signals of Murdoch-poisoningRead more... )
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If the Glenn Beck rally has been the success it is claimed, that is the worst news, for the American right, for America, and for the world, that anyone could conceive. Beck is a creature of Rupert Murdoch, and anyone who looks at Murdoch knows that he is corruption incarnate and personified. A thrice-married libertine who managed somehow to worm his way into a Papal knighthood while his newspapers persecuted the Church, a tax fraud who manages to pay less than one per cent of his British income in tax thanks to a monumental structure of tax-haven corporations, an enemy of competition and free trade whose purpose in every industry he enters is monopoly, a brute who sells his newspapers on nothing but sex and thuggery, this man was born to poison everything he touched.

To deal with him is to be compromised. Ask Brent Bozell III (who however has been growing depressingly silent on the monster of late) which of the four TV networks is most outrageously committed to obscenity, moral looseness in every area, exaggerated violence and showy, narcissistic sex; and then ask all the conservative pundits and personalities, beginning with Sarah Palin herself, how they can keep a straight face preaching the benefits of Judeo-Christian culture and family values knowing that an hour or two later the same network would be broadcasting "Family guy" or some obscene "reality" show. Debbie Schlussel may be a self-righteous harpy notable mostly for her failures, but in opposing him, everyone who works for him, and everything he stands for, she is doing righteous work; and someone has to.

When Dr.Martin Luther King called together the famous rally which Beck imitated, he had spent more than a decade building up the civil rights movement and his own position in it; he had risked his life (which he was one day soon to lose) in its service, and had acquired such stature that almost every notable black personality in America, beginning with Louis Armstrong and Mahalia Jackson, was willing and glad to stand by his side. Who is Glenn Beck? What has he done to give him the moral authority to imitate Dr.King, to call out a political movement in the nation's capital, to claim to speak in the name of God and the constitution? Nothing. He is there because he has been promoted by Murdoch's bloodsucking, liberticidal organization; and the hand that moves him is the hand of the international crook from down under. This is the take-over of the conservative movement by the media colossus that pays no taxes, that teaches (and pratices) sexual looseness and mental brutality, that has nothing but a negative, acidic, destructive impact on society. God help us.
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I can't imagine what Sarah Palin thinks she's doing. If she is running for President, which I thought was certainly the case thus far, then I cannot see this as anything but a step backward; and not only because Fox News is a highly divisive outlet, but above all because I cannot remember a single case of a political commentator or journalist ever having a serious career as a politician. That is, I can think of one case, who was a professional journalist for many years, and that is not a good precedent. He was called Benito Mussolini.
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Look at the British newspaper market and tell me that it in any way reflects the real taste and desires of the British public. Given a wholly free choice, would sixty million Britons limit themselves to less than a dozen newspapers? I doubt it. Would they flock with great enthusiasm to The Sun and The Daily Mirror as their favoured source of news – or what passes for news? Hardly. Even a considerable amount of their own readers treat these newspapers with contempt, or at least with deserved mistrust and profound irony.

The truth is that the current situation of the newspaper market has been the result of a long evolution in which very little has to do with the public’s demand. If demand were the sole factor in newspaper sales, there would be a great deal more diversity at the national level, and rather smaller press empires. What happened is, roughly speaking, this. The invention of the rotary press allowed people who invested heavily in machinery and specialist labour to produce enormous amounts of newspapers at a low unit price. The low unit price is already a knock on the head of smaller local entities, which do not have the use of huge and expensive printing machinery at discount bulk rates – if they have it at all. Now this, in itself, does not necessarily have any effect on demand. The reader of the Tinytown Plain Dealer is not motivated to move to the Monster London Daily Yammerer only because the Yammerer costs him a farthing or two less. At the very least, one would have to accept that the Yammerer has better writers and more interesting features, which is not necessarily the case. But the distributor is. The distributor finds it much more cost-effective to deliver millions of copies of one Yammerer issue than to have to slave to distribute a few hundred or a few thousand copies each of hundreds of little local versions of the Plain Dealer. The distributor either materially favours the Yammerer - which compounds the price advantage it already has over local competitors – or refuses outright to take small newspapers any more.

Then there is advertising. Newspapers have always carried advertising, indeed, in the English-speaking world, they were born as vehicles for advertising. But the large capitalist who has a large advertising budget and wishes to reach a large part of the nation will naturally ignore the Plain Dealer and favour the Yammerer, or one of its few monster London rivals. And this further separates the results of the newspaper market from anything that can properly be described as public demand. The main source of income for newspapers, let alone other media, are not at all the public they claim to serve, but the advertisers. And the advertisers will spread their cash around according to their needs, obviously – not only for national advertising, but for specific demographics; which means that a newspaper that serves a group more likely to spend where a given advertiser is selling, is more likely to receive a juicy advertising contract from that advertiser, than another newspaper that may actually have more circulation but less access to certain specific groups. That is why newspapers in England divide into two groups: broadsheets (although size is no longer what they are judged by), which sell less but serve the more affluent classes; and tabloids – cheap, not very cheerful, vulgar, selling by the millions, taking ads as vulgar and tacky as they are themselves, and producing colossal streams of revenue.

By this time, the Tinytown Plain Dealer has either given up the ghost or reduced itself to a merely local small-ads-and-a-few-local-news-stories vehicle, usually owned by a press empire led by some London Yammerer. The reader of the Plain Dealer, who has developed a habit of daily throwaway reading, moves on, according to taste, either to the Polite Yammerer or to the Tabloid Yammerer; not, mind you, because that is his choice, but because that is the only source of news the market will allow.

The Murdoch press is the extreme, excremental result of this process. Coming late to the party, they penetrate the market by aggressive selling based on sex and violence, curiously associated with a vulgar right-wing populism wearing the trappings of conservatism even as they normalize a kind of daily discourse that would have been unimaginable two generations ago. The importance of the Murdoch pseudo-conservatism and populism lies in lulling the conscience of the reader asleep, reassuring him that the screeching vulgarity that he purchases every day is in fact in some way not a denial of the solid old virtues that he still wishes to be bound to. The Murdoch press offer their readers a promise to have one’s cake of naked girls and sex stories, and eat it to still feel conservative and grounded. How conservative is in fact a society fed on Murdoch pap may be seen by the British abortion, underage pregnancy, divorce and cohabitation statistics.

It seems to me obvious that such an enterprise could not succeed from scratch, in a society that had not become used to an unnatural pattern of media ownership and distribution over generations – one in which the whole discourse of the nation passes through the medium – exactly! – of a few newssheets owned by a couple of dozen people. In a market responding solely, or even mainly, to reader demand, such a product as The Sun would have its place, as pornography always has; but it would not gain centre stage, because it would not be able to use its brutal methods to occupy a large space already cleared and occupied by earlier Yammerers. If it had to compete with a hundred thousand little local news sources, each with its own affectionate public, it would sell maybe a tenth of what it does. But where the market has already been flattened into a nationwide muchness by previous Yammerers, the lower-end of which had already seriously made use of vulgarity and sex as selling tools, the Murdoch tabloid need do no more than use those same means with greater determination and consistency. In the wholly artificial conditions of the English tabloid market, Murdoch was the right man, at the right time, with the right methods. So, of course, was Attila.

I do not think there is one observer of British things in the last forty years who would not agree that Murdoch has been a thoroughly malignant influence. In a press already vulgarized, he has pushed the level further down than it ever had gone before. He has made people used to vulgarity; he has entered families and been the regular reading of children. The next generation has grown up fed on him. The results are visible.

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