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This unpleasant abortionist creep, who can't hold back from connecting opposition to abortion with Fascism, nonetheless agrees with me that it is specifically opposition to abortion that has fuelled the rise of the conservative movement. (History disproves her pathetic claim in that area: Fascism, and Nazism even more, were into free love, sexual licence, the abortion of inferior children, and euthanasia - all the dear, sweet, progressive programmes that re-surfaced in American universities - where Hitler had been widely popular in the thirties, after being briefly bombed into silence by American bombers in the forties.)

Marcotte misses the point that the Tea Party is a deliberate attempt to do what "fiscal conservatives" have been itching to do for years, which is get the anti-abortion majority to forget about such "divisive" causes as abortion and concentrate instead on such "uniting" matters as tax cuts for the rich. There are two forces in the general area of the GOP whose long-term aim is to defang the anti-abortion movement and co-opt its membership for their own political purposes: old-style party hucksters such as Karl Rove, who despise Christians and anti-abortionists pretty much as much as Democrats do, and the Murdoch empire, which is built on pornography and based on a debased view of human nature that could not survive a moralized society. The Rove Republicans have been trying for decades to ride the anti-abortion tiger without conceding anything substantial to it. The Murdoch group is smarter. Part of Rupert Murdoch's animal cunning, base but clever in its own way, is not to try and create movements himself. The British newspaper owners, his predecessors, tried that in the 1930 election and were destroyed, shamed and ridiculed by the professional politician Stanley Baldwin. Murdoch and his people keep an eye on popular movements and, when the time is right, co-opt them. Then they use their formidable financial and organizational power to direct, penetrate and corrupt them so that, whatever happens, the real interests of the Murdoch group are never harmed and always promoted.

These interests amount to two things: weakening corporate taxation and taxation on rich individuals - the whole Murdoch group is one enormous, matchlessly brilliant tax evasion operation designed in order to evade as much British, American and Australian taxation as possible - and insuring that their pornographic populism is never put under serious scrutiny. In doing so, they are quite willing to make some quite remarkable alliances. In Britain, for instance, Rebekah Wade, when editor of the original Murdoch porn sheet, The News of the World, took up with great enthusiams the cause of an anti-paedophile campaigner. This from the press group that has done more than everyone else put together to sexualize every corner of British life, which has made parents so used to smut on every page that they left it around for their children to read (literally - I saw that with my own two eyes, in umpteen British homes, in the eighties and nineties), and from which pre-teen girls learned to idolize softcore models such as Samantha Fox. But it makes sense in two important ways: first, Sara Payne, the movement's leader, is quite frankly an ignorant woman whom Rebekah Wade found easy to manipulate (Payne was shocked, poor creature, to find that she too had been on the phone-tap list of her dear friend Rebekah); and second and more important, it gives any possible sense of revulsion at the sexualization of society a focus and a limit. Child rapists, of course, are the lowest of the low; to focus and concentrate on them the disgust that in other ages was felt for pimps and whores of every sort offers a cheap salve to the violated conscience of natural man - and, even more, woman - in sexual matters. This, of course, is nothing but good news to the biggest pimp the world has ever seen, the inventor of the Page Three Girls, the exploiter of "reality" shows. It also, as a side effect, offers journalists in general a steady source of monster stories. In a sense, it is the ideal Murdoch compromise: the Murdoch media get to carry on untroubled with their appeal to the crotch, at the same time as they get to posture as moralizing campaigners. Really, if homicidal child rapists did not exist, Murdoch would have had to invent them.

The alliance with the Tea Party is a broader matter, but there are some points in common. The heart of it is to deviate, twist and corrupt an existing popular movement so that it works to the advantage of the Murdoch media. The popular groundswell against paedophilia had been going on for a couple of decades when Rebekah Wade took it up, as a natural and humanly inevitable reaction to the stated desire of Sexual Revolution theorists and publicists to sexualize children. (In Denmark, the age of consent was abolished in 1968 and only restored - as a result of some such groundswells of public opinion - in 1978; for ten years, child sex and child pornography were legal in one of the most prosperous and respected countries in the world.) Likewise, the movement against abortion, a despised fringe factor in the seventies, has been slowly picking up strength decade after decade until at present a majority of Americans declare themselves pro-life at every poll. Marcotte, the doctrinaire abortionist, calls it a "moral panic", but anyone without her blinders ought to realize that moral panics don't last three decades and don't pick up strength over that period. Certainly it could no longer be treated, either by the GOP or by Murdoch, as a noisy minority.

The Tea Party certainly started as a grassroots movement; but the Murdoch media pimped it from the beginning, and it is really remarkable to what an extent not only basic views, but talking points and intellectual fads they originated (such as the demonization of the little-know eighty-year-old academic Frances Fox Piven) spread like oil slicks across the whole movement right; and how even such an utterly compromised Murdochista apparatchick as Bill O'Reilly, whose sexual shenanigans should have put him beyond the pale long ago, remains a guiding light of sorts. Forty years ago, Murdoch's animal cunning identified an enormous gap in the market - the conservative/populist area; and the feeling that Fox-TV pundits are the ones who "speak our language" has since then increasingly blinded conservatives to the debasing, manipulative and mafia-like characteristics of Murdoch and his empire. Mere gratitude that someone noticed them has co-opted them into the Murdoch camp, with the inevitable corrupting results. Remember, this is a guy who managed to find enough "friends" in the Vatican to get himself awarded a Papal medal, at the same time as he published some of the most Jack T.Chick-like Church-bashing in the mainstream media.

And the Tea Party has been amazingly effective in drawing attention away from the scandal of abortion and to the obsession with tax. Some of its leaders have openly said that conservatives ought to stop pressing on "divisive" issues such as abortion. Never mind whether this is a representative view or not; the mere fact that it has been said and publicized means that abortion is no longer the central issue - that it is in play, one of many things on which conservatives may agree or disagree. And this is only the beginning. In actual fact, however "divisive" anti-abortion views may be, no opponent of abortion has ever done has been so recklessly divisive and socially and politically irresponsible as the Tea Party's successful attempt to blackmail the Senate and the Administration into not raising taxes at a time when that is desperately necessary and any sane "conservative", including Margaret Thatcher, would have. I have a suspicion that one reason why we haven't heard a lot from Sarah Palin in the last few weeks is that she is quite happy to let Michelle Bachmann and the other idiots run after this hare and compromise themselves in the long term. Any serious presidential candidate cannot indulge in this of idiotic rhetoric, on pains of being found out one day after taking the oath of office. You can bet your life that the next Republican President will raise tax (remember Ronald Reagan and "read my lips"?) with the subdued approval (subdued because nobody will want to draw attention to their duplicity) of the Republican Party and of selected Tea Party leaders; and those tea-partiers who stick to the anti-tax hysteria out of misguided principle will suddenly find themselves isolated and reduced to fringe specimens. Thus do party politics, especially in the age of Rupert Murdoch, work against integrity, whether right or wrong.

The true believers have been told that the purpose of the borrowing limit blackmail was to hurt the hated Obama presidency. As a matter of fact, it has hurt the Tea Party, by isolating it from a considerable area of Republican moderates and from any Democrat. But the hysteria about tax is necessary for long-term reasons that have nothing to do with the economy and everything to do with the corrupting use of party politics. As while abortion is something that generates its own disgust and its own opposition, to try and move at least a large mass of conservatives away from thinking against abortion, the propagandists had to offer them something equally emotionally involving and more short-term. The budget battle, which was a disaster for the USA, served to blood the Tea Party in an actual political battle, which will from now on dominate their imagination. And as the anti-tax hysteria rages, abortion moves further and further from the centre. And if the stock markets of the world crash and America loses power to China, what does Murdoch care? His corporations, insulated from stock marked concerns by a very peculiar property structures, are not apt to suffer; and he has spent decades flattering and supporting the coming Chinese superpower in the hope of being allowed a place at the table. As I keep saying, Murdoch is cunning. It's his only quality. And Mademoiselle Marcotte ought to thank him on her knees: he has managed to set the anti-abortion cause back at least twenty years. Had there been a Murdoch around in nineteenth-century America, there would still be slaves today.
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Look at the British newspaper market and tell me that it in any way reflects the real taste and desires of the British public. Given a wholly free choice, would sixty million Britons limit themselves to less than a dozen newspapers? I doubt it. Would they flock with great enthusiasm to The Sun and The Daily Mirror as their favoured source of news – or what passes for news? Hardly. Even a considerable amount of their own readers treat these newspapers with contempt, or at least with deserved mistrust and profound irony.

The truth is that the current situation of the newspaper market has been the result of a long evolution in which very little has to do with the public’s demand. If demand were the sole factor in newspaper sales, there would be a great deal more diversity at the national level, and rather smaller press empires. What happened is, roughly speaking, this. The invention of the rotary press allowed people who invested heavily in machinery and specialist labour to produce enormous amounts of newspapers at a low unit price. The low unit price is already a knock on the head of smaller local entities, which do not have the use of huge and expensive printing machinery at discount bulk rates – if they have it at all. Now this, in itself, does not necessarily have any effect on demand. The reader of the Tinytown Plain Dealer is not motivated to move to the Monster London Daily Yammerer only because the Yammerer costs him a farthing or two less. At the very least, one would have to accept that the Yammerer has better writers and more interesting features, which is not necessarily the case. But the distributor is. The distributor finds it much more cost-effective to deliver millions of copies of one Yammerer issue than to have to slave to distribute a few hundred or a few thousand copies each of hundreds of little local versions of the Plain Dealer. The distributor either materially favours the Yammerer - which compounds the price advantage it already has over local competitors – or refuses outright to take small newspapers any more.

Then there is advertising. Newspapers have always carried advertising, indeed, in the English-speaking world, they were born as vehicles for advertising. But the large capitalist who has a large advertising budget and wishes to reach a large part of the nation will naturally ignore the Plain Dealer and favour the Yammerer, or one of its few monster London rivals. And this further separates the results of the newspaper market from anything that can properly be described as public demand. The main source of income for newspapers, let alone other media, are not at all the public they claim to serve, but the advertisers. And the advertisers will spread their cash around according to their needs, obviously – not only for national advertising, but for specific demographics; which means that a newspaper that serves a group more likely to spend where a given advertiser is selling, is more likely to receive a juicy advertising contract from that advertiser, than another newspaper that may actually have more circulation but less access to certain specific groups. That is why newspapers in England divide into two groups: broadsheets (although size is no longer what they are judged by), which sell less but serve the more affluent classes; and tabloids – cheap, not very cheerful, vulgar, selling by the millions, taking ads as vulgar and tacky as they are themselves, and producing colossal streams of revenue.

By this time, the Tinytown Plain Dealer has either given up the ghost or reduced itself to a merely local small-ads-and-a-few-local-news-stories vehicle, usually owned by a press empire led by some London Yammerer. The reader of the Plain Dealer, who has developed a habit of daily throwaway reading, moves on, according to taste, either to the Polite Yammerer or to the Tabloid Yammerer; not, mind you, because that is his choice, but because that is the only source of news the market will allow.

The Murdoch press is the extreme, excremental result of this process. Coming late to the party, they penetrate the market by aggressive selling based on sex and violence, curiously associated with a vulgar right-wing populism wearing the trappings of conservatism even as they normalize a kind of daily discourse that would have been unimaginable two generations ago. The importance of the Murdoch pseudo-conservatism and populism lies in lulling the conscience of the reader asleep, reassuring him that the screeching vulgarity that he purchases every day is in fact in some way not a denial of the solid old virtues that he still wishes to be bound to. The Murdoch press offer their readers a promise to have one’s cake of naked girls and sex stories, and eat it to still feel conservative and grounded. How conservative is in fact a society fed on Murdoch pap may be seen by the British abortion, underage pregnancy, divorce and cohabitation statistics.

It seems to me obvious that such an enterprise could not succeed from scratch, in a society that had not become used to an unnatural pattern of media ownership and distribution over generations – one in which the whole discourse of the nation passes through the medium – exactly! – of a few newssheets owned by a couple of dozen people. In a market responding solely, or even mainly, to reader demand, such a product as The Sun would have its place, as pornography always has; but it would not gain centre stage, because it would not be able to use its brutal methods to occupy a large space already cleared and occupied by earlier Yammerers. If it had to compete with a hundred thousand little local news sources, each with its own affectionate public, it would sell maybe a tenth of what it does. But where the market has already been flattened into a nationwide muchness by previous Yammerers, the lower-end of which had already seriously made use of vulgarity and sex as selling tools, the Murdoch tabloid need do no more than use those same means with greater determination and consistency. In the wholly artificial conditions of the English tabloid market, Murdoch was the right man, at the right time, with the right methods. So, of course, was Attila.

I do not think there is one observer of British things in the last forty years who would not agree that Murdoch has been a thoroughly malignant influence. In a press already vulgarized, he has pushed the level further down than it ever had gone before. He has made people used to vulgarity; he has entered families and been the regular reading of children. The next generation has grown up fed on him. The results are visible.

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